Yoga in Stone – Some of the Earliest Sculptural Representation of Yoga Postures
A vast yogic sculptural treasure lay forgotten in hundreds of early temples across India. Here are a few important ones.
9 mins read
October 17, 2021
Illustrations by Shreyansh Singh
Nātha sampradāya is a millennia-old Śaiva ascetic tradition of yogīs. It is believed that the foundation of the sampradāya took place from the 11th to 12th centuries with the amalgamation of various tantra and Śaiva traditions. The geographical expanse of the Nātha sampradāya is vast—Nātha shrines are found from Afghanistan to Bangladesh and from Nepal to Tamil Nadu. The Nātha yogīs revere Matsyendranātha and Gorakṣanātha as the foremost yogīs of the sampradāya. Traditionally, Gorakṣanātha is considered to be the disciple of Matsyendranātha.
The Nātha yogīs were pioneers of haṭha yoga practices, as proved by unnumerable literary and archaeological records. Some of the earliest known depictions of āsanas appear in Nātha or Nātha related shrines (as will be shown in this article). Some of these āsanas appear much later in our textual records. Further, the canonical haṭhayogic bandhas—mūlabandha, jālandharabandha, and uḍḍīyānabandha—first appear in Nātha texts, e.g. Gorakṣaśataka, dating from the 12-13th century. Even the advanced praṇayāma practices such as sūryā, śītalī, ujjāyī and bhastrī first appear in the Nātha texts. The canonical 15th-century text of haṭha yoga, Haṭhapradīpikā, also belongs to the Nātha sampradāya.
As an archaeologist mapping the early archaeological landscape of the Nātha yogīs in western India, I will discuss two temples in Maharashtra belonging to the Nātha tradition where some of the earliest known yoga postures appear in our archaeological record: the Māṇakeśvara temple at Jhodge in Nashik District and the Brahmanātha temple at Parunde in Pune district.
Māṇakeśvara temple, Jhodge
The Māṇakeśvara temple is located on the Mumbai-Agra National Highway in the northeast of Malegaon. This Śiva temple was built in the 12th century in the Bhūmija style. Due to the identification of an image of Matsyendranātha on this temple, the early activities of Yoga prevalent in the Nātha tradition can be ascertained. Along with the image of Matsyendranātha, there are sculptures of a Yogī in various yoga poses—Kukkuṭāsana, Vajrāsana, Kubaḍīāsana, Brahmāsana, etc.
The above image is of a Yogī in the toraṇa (arch-like structure) above the devakoṣṭha. A fish is shown below the Yogī indicating that it is Matsyendranātha. Other Yogīs have been shown on the temple, but Matsyendranātha is depicted on the devakoṣṭha,1which shows his significance. The image is small, fragile, and defaced. He is depicted with karṇakuṇḍala. He places his right foot on the ground, and his left hand is on the knee.2
Brahmāsana/Phaṇindrāsana: In this posture, the Yogī places both his legs behind his neck and is shown with his two hands touching the ground. This posture is believed to be similar to that of phaṇindrāsana, pāśinī mudrā, skandhāsana and dvipādasirāsana.
Kukkuṭāsana: There is an image of a Yogī seated in Kukkuṭāsana on the jaṅghā portion. He is shown with hands inserted between his thighs, holding up and balancing his body.
Vajrāsana: A Yogī is depicted in Vajrāsana seated on his knees with a hand placed on each.
Kubaḍī āsana: The Yogī is seated in kubaḍī āsana depicted on the jaṅghā portion. In this āsana, the Yogī is seated in padmāsana and resting on the support of a kubaḍī (crutch).
Apart from these, there are several other āsanas carved on this temple, such as ardhaparyaṅkāsana, ardhapadmāsana, and gomukhāsana. These are some of the earliest known depictions of Yoga postures in our archaeological record, and therefore this temple is of historical importance. However, despite its significance, the temple is in an advanced state of disrepair and decay. Urgent work is required to restore and repair this temple, probably under the aegis of the Archaeological Survey of India.
Brahmanātha Temple, Parunde (Pune District)
The Brahmanātha temple at Parunde in Pune District is also of archaeological importance for its early sculptural representation of yoga poses. The temple is named after Nātha Yogī Brahmanātha, who is believed to have taken samādhi at this place. Based on what remains of its architecture, it can be dated to the 13th century. The decorative pillars of the Brahmanātha temple have rare depictions of different yogic āsanas.3
The temple was renovated sometime in the early 20th century. Only six decorated pillars have survived amongst the sculptural material. These pillars can be classified into two categories— the first comprises four pillars located in the central portion of the hall, with the remaining two pillars, which are on both sides of the doorway of the garbhagṛha, forming the second category. The first type of pillar mainly bears depictions of yogic āsanas.
Urdhvadhanurāsana: This āsana is depicted on the western side of the middle octagonal bracket. The image is shown arching backward. The face is touching the ground, and the entire body is balanced on palms.
Netī Kriyā: The panel on the southwestern side of the first pillar depicts two images performing what is called the netī kriyā (cleansing of the nasal passage). Though the depiction of the actual action is the same, they are shown sitting in different āsanas.
Naukāsana: There are two depictions of this āsana, found on the left-hand side of images on the northern and northeastern panels. The āsana resembles the shape of a boat and hence the name.
Pādapaścimottānāsana: This is depicted on the southern side of the pillar on the middle bracket. The yogī is shown seated towards the right with his legs fully stretched. He is bent forward and is holding the right foot with his right hand. Facial features are not clear owing to the erosion in the figure.
Ardhamatsyendrāsana: This āsana is depicted on the southeastern panel of the lower bracket. The yogī is shown seated. His left leg is crossed over his right leg, which is bent backwards. He appears to be sitting on his right leg. The body is turned towards the left. His right hand is near his left foot while the left hand is turned upwards. His face is turned backwards. His hair is matted and is tied in a bun. As the nomenclature suggests, this posture is known after Matsyendrāsana.
I have provided a brief glimpse of the vast yogic sculptural treasures in hundreds of early temples across India, most of which have been forgotten by history. This is surprising because Yoga has attained immense worldwide popularity, yet its archaeological and literary signature has not received the scholarly attention it merits. These temples lie scattered along the length and breadth of the country, some in complete ruins and others in various stages of ruin. These monuments in stone are our links to the inspiring past of yogīs and ascetics who practised extreme penance their entire lives to get a glimpse of that divine consciousness and, in the process, help raise the whole of humanity nearer to the level of divinity.
The Rise and Decline of Shaivism in Ancient India
With the collapse of the Gupta Empire, Saivism became the dominant religion of India.
12 mins read
June 7, 2021
Illustrations by Shreyansh Singh
Not many people are aware that, between the fifth and thirteenth centuries, Śaivism—or Śiva Dharma—was the most dominant religious tradition within Hinduism. During this period, most of the Indian kings were Śaiva and patronized Śaiva institutions. For much of this time, Śaivism was also the dominant religion in most of south-east Asia, most notably in the Champa Kingdom of Vietnam and the Khmer Kingdom of Cambodia. Such was the dominance of Śaivism that even Mahāyana Buddhism modelled itself exclusively on the lines of Tantric/Agamic Śaivism, and transformed itself into a Tantric tradition called Vajrayāna. Jainism and Vaiṣṇavism also adopted and adapted Śaiva ritual techniques to their own tradition. This period of Śaiva dominance is also called the ‘Śaiva Age.’1The vast corpus of Śaiva texts composed during this period and the dizzying variety of Śaivism practiced have now been all but forgotten (except in western academia, where a massive effort is being made to research and understand the phenomenon of Śaivism during that period).
Interestingly, the rise of Śaivism coincided with the collapse of the Gupta Dynasty, though we cannot be sure if there is any connection between the two historical developments. Śaivism, during the age of the Guptas, was already a very popular religion among the masses, though the Gupta emperors themselves were followers of the Vaiṣṇava religion, calling themselves the bhāgavatas. In what follows, rather than delve into the details of the fascinating ‘Śaiva Age’—which will require multiple essays—we will trace the rise of Śaiva tradition from its textual and epigraphic emergence before the common era to its great flowering in the fifth century onwards, especially the transition from Vaiṣṇavism to Śaivism during those crucial decades of late fifth and early sixth century.
Before discussing the origins of Śaivism, it must be noted that while Śiva is eternal, its worship began at some finite period of time. By ‘origins of Śaivism’, we simply mean the point at which we find the first evidence in archaeological and textual sources for the worship of Śiva. This in no way implies that the worship of Śiva emerged only when we have surviving material evidence of it. This distinction is often overlooked.
Early Śaivism
Any discussion on the origins of Śaivism begins with the discovery of the pre-Vedic seal, also called ‘proto-Śiva’. The iconography of the Indus Valley’s proto-Śiva and the iconography of Śiva that emerged a few thousand years later is remarkably similar. This has led to a lot of conjecture of Śiva being a non-Vedic God—be that as it may, our first concrete evidence of Śiva in the Vedic literature emerges in that famous hymn to Rudra in the Yajur Veda, also called Śatarudriya. However, there is no agreement that this Vedic Rudra-Śiva is the same as the Śiva which emerged in the archaeological and epigraphical sources at the turn of the common era. Despite this controversy, it is universally accepted that the Śatarudriya was one of the most important hymns of Śaivism from the very beginning of the Śaiva textual corpus.
According to scholars, the first clear-cut textual evidence of Śiva worship is found in Patañjali’s Mahābhāṣya, a monumental text of Sanskrit grammar written around 2nd century BCE.2 Patañjali speaks of a group of people who venerate Śiva as the lord (śivabhāgavataḥ). There is also a reference to small images of deities such as Śiva and Skanda sold to the householders. This evidence suggests a group of people in about 200 BCE, with a Śaiva identity conspicuous enough that they were identified as worshippers of Śiva.
The earliest epigraphical evidence for the worship of Śiva is found in the Swat Valley region, datable to around 65 CE. It records that one Moïka, son of Urumuja, had a śivasthalam (a place for the worship of Śiva) made there.3 Notice that the names of Śiva worshippers are Iranian, rather than Indian, implying that at the turn of the common era Śiva was also worshipped by people of Persian origin. The next fragmentary evidence, from a few decades later, is found in Dharwad, Karnataka, on a stone inscription which records a donation to a Śiva temple of Caṇḍaśivamahādeva during the time of a Sātavāhana king, Śrī Puḷumāvi (III). There is further evidence during the 3rd century of a land grant to a Śiva temple in Andhra Pradesh. During this period, there are many archaeological remains of chaturmukhaliṅga (four-faced Śiva) found in northern India.4
The epigraphic evidence is indeed sparse before the 3rd century. However, Alexis Sanderson states that despite the lack of material evidence for the worship of Śiva between the Maurya and the Gupta period, the worship of Śiva was common and widespread across the entire Indian sub-continent. This can be demonstrated by the proliferation of names related to Śiva—Śivadatta, Śivadāsa, Śivadhara, Śivarakṣita—in the donative inscriptions found across India from the 2nd century BCE onward.5 Śiva is also mentioned in Jain and Buddhist texts of that period. From the early common era, there is also evidence of a flourishing temple tradition related to Śaivism which later became associated with the Pāśupatas. From the 4th century onwards, epigraphic, archaeological, and textual evidence for the worship of Śiva is found in abundance.
The Dominance of Śaivism from the late 5th century
Based on the above, we can say that Śaivism’s rise to being the predominant religion of India from the 5th century onwards was built on the widespread tradition of Śaiva worship dating back to before the common era. But how can Śaivism’s ascendency be reconciled with the fact that the Guptas, who were the predominant power in Northern India between the 4th-5th century, were all followers of the Vaiṣṇava faith? The answer lies in the monumental political development taking place in northern India at the end of the 5th century. Hans Bakker describes the fifty years 484-534 CE as a period that changed Bhāratavarṣha.6 Nothing similar would happen to Bhāratavarṣha till the Islamic onslaught of the 12th century, which eventually led to the collapse of Śaivism.
During this fifty-year period, India faced repeated attacks from the Huna kingdom, which had already established itself in northwest India. The mighty Gupta empire which had ruled northern India for two hundred years, weakened by their wars with the Hunas, finally collapsed in 510 CE when the Huna King, Toramāṇa, defeated the Gupta king Bhānugupta in the battle of Eran. Northern India lay in ruins, its most important cities, such as Kaushambhi, completely sacked by Toramāṇa. After incessant warfare over the next few decades, the Hunas were finally chased out of India by the confederacy of post-Gupta kingdoms, led by Aulikara kings of Daśapura. The defeat of Huna king Mihirkula in 534 CE marked the end of Huna incursions into India.
With the fall of the Gupta empire, the state religion of the Guptas, Vaiṣṇavism, received a great setback, as patronage and devotion to Vaiṣṇavism dried up. However, during this period, something remarkable happened that changed the religious landscape of the country. The post-Gupta kingdoms of Northern India—Aulikara kingdom of Daśapura, Maukhari kingdom of Kanyakubja, Maitrakas of Valabhī, the Kalacuris of Māhiṣmatī, the Vardhanas of Sthāneśvara, etc.—all became followers of Śaivism.7 It is during this period that Śaivism eclipsed Vaiṣṇavism as the dominant religion of Bhāratavarṣa. Even the Huna King Mihirkula, who finally lost to the post-Gupta kingdoms, had become a Śaiva. Here is an inscription from that time that states his Śaiva affiliation.
[Toramāṇa], who had raised his family to fame, had a son of unequaled prowess, a lord of the earth (patiḥ pṛthvyāḥ), whose name was Mihirakula, and who, (though) unbent, [was bending to] Paśupati
The conversion of all the successor dynasties of the Guptas during these important years of Indian history is still an enigma. Scholars have posited multiple theories, but they remain conjectural. We may never know the complete religious history of this period, unless more material evidence comes to light. Be that as it may, we must be careful that by using the term ‘dominance of Śaivism’ we imply that all the kings considered Śiva as the foremost among the gods, and that Śaiva institutions received the most state patronage. It does not mean that Vaiṣṇavism or other religious traditions collapsed or stopped receiving patronage. The Śaiva kings also gave grants to the Vaiṣṇava temples (though nothing comparable to Śaiva grants), and there were also multiple Vaiṣṇava kingdoms during this period (the Sena Kingdom of Bengal, the Gādahavāla of Varanasi etc.). If this were not the case, Vaiṣṇavism would not have been able to establish prominence again, as it did some eight hundred years later.
Conclusion
The Islamic invasion in the 12th century led to the collapse of Hindu kingship in northern India and, with that, Śaivism ceased to be the dominant religion (especially the Śaivism as prescribed in the Śaiva Āgamas). Scholars usually talk of the destruction of Buddhism due to Islamic invasion, but Śaivism also suffered a similar fate (as did the Saura religion, connected with the worship of the sun, although scholarship on the history of the Saura religion is still in its infancy). The destruction of Śaiva temples, maṭhas, vast troves of manuscripts and, more significantly, the complete collapse of state patronage in Northern India resulted in a permanent contraction of Śaivism. Śaiva rituals only survived in a diminished form in Tamil Nadu, Kashmir, and Nepal, though certain forms of Śaiva asceticism, such as Haṭha yoga of the Nātha, did gain prominence during the later period. When Islam became politically dominant in the North, Bhakti-inflected Vaiṣṇavism would become the most dominant religious tradition—but that is a topic for another essay!
Manur-Nagnath: A Forgotten Archaeological Site and the Hidden History of Shaivism
Journey of a medieval Shaiva centre from Pashupata-Kalamukhas to that of Virashaiva-Lingayats.
11 mins read
July 1, 2021
Illustrations by Shreyansh Singh
Manur-Nagnath, a village located in the Beed district of Maharashtra, is an archaeologically important site. It is situated at a distance of 52 km from Beed and 70 km from Ahmednagar on a ‘Mankarana’ riverbank. There are several legends about the site, some of which are linked to the Mahābhārata period. Remains of medieval temples, monasteries, and wells are found in this archaeological site. Manur is well-known for its ‘Jahagirdar Matha’ (monastery) which belongs to the Vīraśaiva-Liṅgāyata sect. The monastery is said to be associated with the great 16th-century Vīraśaiva saint, Manmatha Swami. Records of land grants donated to this monastery can still be seen today. This monastery has a charter donated by Shivaji Maharaj’s grandson, Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj.1
Apart from the Vīraśaiva monastery, the archaeological site of Manur village has a 13th-century Siddheśvara temple (discussed below), a Nāganātha temple of unknown date that contains Marathi inscriptions from the 17th-century as well as several tombs of ascetics, a medieval fortress, and scattered remains of sculptures and hero stones. There is also a monastery-like structure dating to the 13th-14th centuries, found at a short distance from the Siddheshwar temple. A Gadhegal (ass-curse stele) having devanāgarī characters can be found at the monastery, which also has two subsidiary shrines and a hall of several pillars. The pillars themselves are not ornate but the doorframes of the monastery are beautifully decorated.
Although several archaeological remains are scattered in Manur, the site has not received due scholarly attention. An inscription from the 13th century CE has been read and studied by Brahmanand Deshpande.2 Apart from this, no other special research has been carried out on the site. This article highlights, for the first time, some important archaeological remains at Manur and explains their significance. It will show the influence of the Pāśupata-Kālāmukha sect in Manur around the 12th-13th centuries and the subsequent takeover of this site as a Vīraśaiva-Liṅgāyata centre.
Siddheśvara Temple at Manur
There is a 13th-century temple of Siddheśvara on the bank of the Mankarana, a seasonal river, to the west of Manur village. This temple—a very important centre in terms of the religious and cultural history of medieval southern Marathwada (as we will see below)—is of tridala type (temples that have three shrines). Since the sphere has completely collapsed, it is not possible to say in what style it was built. Currently, the temple is in a dilapidated state due to rainwater seeping into the walls. Although much of the Nandīmaṇḍapa has collapsed, a magnificent Nandi survives on a raised square platform. Apart from this, some samādhis (tombs), sculptures, satī stones, and hero stones can be seen scattered throughout the temple site. The ground plan consists of garbagṛha (sanctum santorum), antarāla (vestibule), gūḍhamanḍapa (closed hall), and two sub-shrines.
The interior construction of the temple has fallen into disrepair and the thick coat of paint on the temple walls makes it difficult to identify some of the sculptures. A Śivaliṅgā appears to have been installed in the centre of the garbhagṛha. Several mouldings have been carved on the exterior of the temple. Three sanctums of the temple had nine devakoṣṭhas (niches for divinities) on the maṇḍovara (exterior wall of the temple), three of which are in better condition. There are ardhastaṃbhas having mañjarī (mouldings) on all four sides of the maṇḍovara. This type of ornamentation is commonly seen on temples in South India.
Rare Sculpture of Lakulīśa
There are several different sculptures on the Siddheśvara temple, most of them broken or destroyed. Among these, images of Cāmuṇḍā, Śiva Naṭeśa, Lakulīśa, Keśava, Gaṇeśa, Sarasvatī, Pāśupata-Kālāmukha yogis, and various heavenly damsels (Surasundarīs) are visible. A beautiful āliṅgana mūrti of Umā-Maheśvara and Gaja-Lakṣmī can also be seen.
The presence of the image of Lakulīśa (a form of Śiva) in the Siddheśvara temple is significant and it indicates the influence of the Pāśupata-Kālāmukha sect. This rare image is placed in the southern niche of the outer wall of the main shrine. Another small image of Lakulīśa with a laguḍa (a club) is carved on the uttarāṅga portion of the main garbhagṛha. The first image of Lakulīśa is in the padmāsana and is depicted with uṣṇīṣa, yajñopavīta (sacred thread), and four arms, the upper arms of which are completely broken. Most of the portion of the front hands is also broken from the elbow. It seems that both front hands should be placed on the knees. He is shown ithyphallic and sits on a beautiful padmapītha. He is also depicted with his four disciples Kauśika, Gārgya, Mitra, and Kāuruśya. Two of them on either side of Lakulīśa are shown in the namaskāra mudrā. The other two disciples are shown seated on knees on either side of the padmapītha. These two images are badly mutilated.
Icons of Lakulīśa are rarely observed in Maharashtra. The oldest image of Lakulīśa in Maharashtra is at Mandhal in the Vidarbha region, dating back to the 4th-5th century CE. Apart from this, there is a standalone image of the later period at Bhadravati in the Chandrapur district.3 Among the images on the structural temples, four images from the Khidreśvara temple at Khidrapur4 and the image from the Saṅgameśvara temple at Sangameshvar in Ratnagiri district can be mentioned. A possible image of Lakulīśa is also depicted in one of the niches of the Śiva temple at Umarga in Osmanabad district— however, scholars are not unanimously agreed on its identification. The image of Lakulīśa from Manur is the only known and well-identified image from the structural temples of Maharashtra to be depicted on devakoṣṭha, as one of the important deities.
The Historical Importance of the Site
From the archaeological remains at Manur, it appears that the site was a famous Śaiva centre in the medieval period. A devanāgarī inscription of 1248 CE found at Manur mentions that the Yādava prince, Kanhardeva, was appointed as Mahāmaṇḍaleśvara of this region. It also mentions the construction of an unknown temple,5 which may likely be the Siddheśvara temple. Several sources suggest that some Yādava rulers were followers of the Pāśupata-Kālāmukha sects and gave grants to them. Yādava king, Seuṇacandra II, a follower of the Pāśupata sect, received grace from a Pāśupatācārya named Sarvadevācārya. In the year 1191 CE, Bhillama V, the founder of the Yādava dynasty, had also given a village as a grant to a Kālāmukha ascetic, ‘Siddhant Chandrabhushan Pandit’.6 Inscriptions related to the Pāśupata-Kālāmukha have been found at multiple sites in South Marathwada during this period: Tirtha, Bhandarkavathe, Mardi, Darphal (Solapur district), Ganeshwadi, Kolhapur, Hottal, Ardhapur, Tadkhel, Kardkhed, and Sagaroli.7 All this shows that the Pāśupata and related sub-sects were deeply rooted in South Marathwada.
However, after the rise of the Vīraśaiva sect in Northern Karnataka, the sects of Pāśupata-Kālāmukha merged into the new-born sect. Several Pāśupata monasteries in Karnataka and South Marathwada came under the control of the Vīraśaivas. This transition seems to have been organic, as the Vīraśaivas accepted the Guru traditions of the erstwhile Pāśupata-Kālāmukha as their own.8 The same change is likely to have taken place in Manur as well. The transition from the Pāśupata- Kālāmukha sects to the Vīraśaiva-Liṅgāyata sects can be seen in the archaeological remains and the ongoing religious traditions of Manur. Archaeological evidence suggests that the Vīraśaiva-Liṅgāyata sect flourished in South Maharashtra from the 13-14th century onward, and Manur must have been an important centre of Vīraśaiva-Liṅgāyata, as it still is.9 Kapildhar, another site in the Beed district, also emerged as an important centre for the Vīraśaiva-Liṅgāyata sect. There is also evidence of an independent Śaiva sect called ‘Nāganātha’ or ‘Nagesh’ in Manur during the 17th century CE.
Overall, the Siddheśvara temple and the surrounding remains of the Manur-Nagnath village are very important from cultural, historical, and archaeological points of view. They constitute a valuable archaeological record of the journey from Pāśupata-Kālāmukha to Vīraśaiva-Liṅgāyata. Unfortunately, all this evidence is on the verge of extinction. The ruins of the Siddheśvara temple and other sculptures need to be preserved as soon as possible.
Drunken Peacocks: A Lineage of Saiva Rajagurus and Yogis
Saiva sages who wove the threads that tied India into a common idiom and religion of Saivism
11 mins read
December 13, 2022
Illustrations by Shreyansh Singh
Deep into the heartlands of Madhya Pradesh, somewhere between Gwalior and Guna, sits an ancient village called Ranod. To get there, one has to leave the Mumbai-Agra National Highway, which cuts across Madhya Pradesh, and drive for several hours along a small road. During his annual archaeological trip in 1864-65, Alexander Cunningham, the first director-general of the Archaeological Survey of India, probably travelling on a horse or a bullock-cart, “discovered” this ancient village, and found a large archaeological ruin. Struck by the remarkable architecture and aesthetics of the few surviving monuments, he described this as an “old Hindu palace”.
A few decades later, this place was correctly identified as the remains of a large Hindu monastery (matha) that flourished here during the 9th-13th centuries. The correct identification of the history and the function of this place was no doubt helped by the discovery of a monumental inscriptional slab found at the site, also called the Ranod Inscription (discussed below). Along with large monasteries, the archaeologists found the remains of large temples, administrative centres, living quarters of saints—in short, a complete monastic township. In the later years, more such ruins of 9th-12th century Hindu monasteries with large inscriptional records were found at multiple sites all across India.
The monastery at Ranod is arguably the earliest archaeological remains of a Hindu monastery built on such a monumental scale. No doubt earlier large Hindu monasteries existed but we do not have archaeological evidence of them at present. The Ranod inscription says that the king Avantivarman had invited a Saiva sage, Purandara, belonging to a prestigious lineage of sages known for their austerity and learning, to reside at his capital and initiate him into Saivism. The inscription mentions that a large monastery was built for Purandara as his residential place, and a forest hermitage was built for his austerities. The inscription also mentions that the sage was profoundly honoured and worshipped by the king, who offered the “essence” of his kingdom to this Saiva master. But the question is, who were these sages and why did the kings so actively seek them?
Origins
We have been documenting (see here) that, from the 5th century to the 13th century, India was a land of Saivism. The kings received Saiva initiations (diksha) from the Saiva acharyas and dedicated their kingdom to God Siva. Prominent acharyas of various Saiva sects—Pashupatas, Saiva Siddhantins, and Kalamukhas—were invited by kings to become the Rajagurus of their kingdom. Due to such patronage, the acharyas of these Saiva sects had established their monasteries and temples in almost all the major dynasties of medieval India (a trend especially visible in our archaeological and epigraphical record from the 9th century onwards). These Rajagurus were ascetics, yogis and Siva ritualists who acted as the spiritual preceptor of the kings and their kingdoms. Such was their renown that Kings would call these Saiva ascetics from far off places and ritually offer their kingdoms to them (as the inscription at Ranod suggests). These ascetic yogis were the spiritual guardians of the kingdoms.
One of the most influential lineages of Saiva Rajagurus were the Mattamayuras—loosely translated as drunken peacocks—who belonged to the Saiva Siddhanta sect, one of the most influential and widespread schools of Saivism in medieval India (currently confined only to Tamil Nadu). This lineage of Saiva ascetics, originating in the Malwa region of Madhya Pradesh, initially acted as Rajagurus to the Saiva kings of many central Indian dynasties, especially the Kalachuris. Later they established monasteries (mathas) in Bengal, where they were patronised by the (Buddhist) Pala Kings; in Andhra, they acted as Rajagurus to the Kakatiyas and in Konkan they were patronised by the Silharas. By the 11th century, the lineage of Mattamayura ascetics ran their network of monasteries and temples from Kashmir to Tamil Nadu, and from Gujarat to Bengal.
A myth describing the origins of Mattamayura tells how, in a pine forest, God Brahma devoutly approached Siva at the completion of his austerity. Pleased at this devotion, Siva initiated Brahma, and from this initiation emerged the multiple lineages of Mattamayura ascetics. However, at a more mundane level, the Mattamayura line of Saiva acharyas originated in Madhya Pradesh, probably around the 8th century, before spreading ripple-like out of their original home and establishing an institutional presence across India.
The Life of a Mattamayura Sage
In the inscriptional corpus of the Mattamayuras, one is struck by the emphasis on asceticism, chastity, and austerity. Though they administered large monasteries, managed temples, and acted as spiritual and ritual advisors to the kings, their lives were like those of tapasvins (ascetic renunciants) who spent their time in forest hermitages called tapovanas to practice tapas (austerity). Here is a description of one of their tapovana:
He, the virtuous one, the companion of sages, living on fruits, lotus-stalks and roots,
who sanctified the surface of the earth by the rows of his foot-prints,
built an incomparable and quiet hermitage,
well known to people, at the foot of the Bee Mountain
covered with the forest of priyala (trees), situated at the confluence of the river Sona.
In this place, herds of monkeys kiss the cubs of lions,
the young one of a deer sucks at the breast of the lioness.
Other hostile animals forget their antipathy to one another,
for the minds of all become tranquil in penance-groves.
This picture of an idyllic ascetic retreat for the practice of tapas will not be unfamiliar to the readers of Hindu literature. However, their frequent mention in our inscriptional records (which are then confirmed by archaeological findings) provides independent verification of the popularity and significance of such ascetic hermitages. While the monasteries were located in urban centres, used primarily as administration centres, meeting places for the devotees, and for the training of students, hermitages were located in the forests to be used exclusively for meditation, yoga and tapas.
The frequent occurrence of the word tapas in their inscriptional record needs explanation. Tapas in Sanskrit means ascetic heat generated through the rigorous practice of a physical and mental regime of austerity to either attain worldly goals, including supernatural siddhis (powers), or the transcendental goal of liberation (samadhi). The Mattamayuras were masters of tapas and harnessed the ascetic heat gained through austerity for their spiritual development and for the benefit of others. It was their fame as yogic masters and meditators that brought them to the notice of kings and nobles. Here is a short description of their practice”
Seated in a solitary place,
he who had mastered all the asanas,
he who felt the inner joy,
his steady mind absorbed in the meditation of Siva
in the midst of the lotus of the heart
He went through all the Agamas. He realized God in ritual and meditation.
He lived only on fruit, radish, seeds, greens, and lotus root.
Imitating his teacher, he practised tapas on the river banks.
Even as a child, he amazed the world.
Common among the numerous descriptions of sages is their sparse vegetarian diet, the intense practice of tapas, their vast learning of the scriptures and the sheer simplicity of their existence. The Saiva Siddhanta sages, to which belonged the Mattamayuras, were ritual specialists who managed large Saiva temples and initiated people into Saivism (initiation being the first step to receive the teachings of this form of Saivism). However, the evidence for the Mattamayuras suggests that, over-and-above being ritual specialists, they were primarily spiritual counsellors to the kings and scholar-practitioners of meditation, pranayama and yoga.
After-life
Though the lives and times of these Saiva Rajagurus as religious specialists and yogis have not been integral to the popular discourse on Hinduism, their role in the formation and evolution of Hinduism is seminal. It is they who wove the threads that tied India into a common idiom and religion of Saivism. In the 10th century India, if one travelled from the Himalayas to the western shores of Gujarat and to the southern tip of Tamil Nadu, the presence of Siva would have been the common factor that unified these diverse places. There is not a dynasty in medieval India that did not actively seek out their presence to sanctify their kingdoms. Unlike the Vedic brahmins, these Saiva yogis did not exclusively belong to a particular caste or community, and caste was not a barrier for Saiva initiation. They respected the Vedas as a form of revelation but considered their own scriptural corpus a higher revelation.
But what happened to them and their monasteries and hermitages? With the advent of Islamic rule, the patronage for these yogis dried up. At least in north India, their monasteries were destroyed and converted into Islamic seminaries and mosques (or, in academic-speak they were “architecturally repurposed”). With the primacy of devotional Vaisnavism and the advent of Vedanta as the reigning philosophy of Hinduism, these Saiva masters of asceticism and yoga retired to their forest retreat or became wandering yogis or found limited patronage in the courts of South India. The other sects of Saiva yogis—Pashupatas and the Kalamukhas—also met a similar fate. However, from these traditions of Saiva ascetics emerged the Natha lineage of yogis, who are credited with composing some of the seminal works of hatha yoga. Largely a product of Saiva ascetic tradition, the focus on physicality as a way to reach the divine was a momentous development in the history of Hinduism. Therefore, though their monasteries and lineages died out, their practices did not.
Yogi Matsyendranatha in Stone
Showcasing some of the earliest sculpture of the great Natha yogi Matsyendranatha.
7 mins read
October 25, 2021
Illustrations by Shreyansh Singh
Matsyendranātha is considered the first Gurū of the Nātha sampradāya. According to the tradition, he had encompassed the knowledge revealed by Ādinātha (Śiva) during his conversation with Girijā, disguised as a fish. Therefore, all the names of Matsyendranātha are piscine-related. Matsyendranātha has numerous names such as Macchanda in Tantrāloka (written at the end of the 10th century by the Great Abhinavagupta); also, Macchaghnapāda, Macchendrapāda, Matsyendrapāda, Mīnapāda, Mīnanātha, Macchendapāda, Matsyendra, and Macchindranāthapāda.1
Matsyendra is also associated with many other sects and beliefs. He is one of the most prominent siddhas in the list of 84 siddhas, which is prevalent among both Śaiva and the Buddhist tradition of siddhas. He is considered to be the progenitor of the Kaula Yoginī sect. According to tradition, he is the gurū of Gorakṣanātha. In Nepali legends, he is an incarnation of Avalokiteśvara, a Buddhist deity, while in the later texts he is considered as an incarnation of Viṣṇu.2 Hundreds of popular fables feature his name throughout India. It is said that his disciple, Gorakṣanātha, rescued Matsyendranātha from various antinomian tantric practices and helped steer him to the more ascetic practice of haṭha yoga. Matsyendranātha is also credited with composing tantric and yogic texts which include the Kaulajñānanirṇaya, Akulavīratantra, Matsyendrasaṃhitā, Candrāvalokana, and Yogaviṣaya.
Images of Matsyendranātha are mainly depicted on Śaiva, Śākta, and Vaiṣṇava temples, caves, and puṣkaraṇī (step-wells). These images can be found all across India but more so in Maharashtra, which indicates how universal his recognition was in the area. Images have considerable variation in size, shape, postures, and mudras. Early ones are relatively small, while in the later period, they became larger. He is always shown with two hands and mounted on a fish. He is often shown in siddhāsana, padmāsana, and paryaṅkāsana and in jñāna and dhyānamudrā. Fish is a common iconographical symbol of Matsyendranātha.3
Several early images of Matsyendranātha are also noticed from Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat (the above image is that of Matsyendranāth in Mahudi Gate, Dabhoi, Gujarat). Three images of Matsyandranātha are shown on the rājasenaka row of the Surya and Viṣṇu Devī Jagadaṁbā temples at Khajuraho (constructed 1000-1025 C.E.).4 A sandstone image from Div in Saurashtra dating to the 11th century C.E has been identified as belonging to Matsyendranātha.5
Matsyendranātha is shown with a fish, yajñopavita, keyūra, valaya, hāra, kaupina, karṇakuṇḍala, śṛṅgī, headgear, and elongated jaṭās—all of these being unique iconographic elements usually associated with siddhas and Nātha yogīs in archaeological sources. Some of the earliest images of Matsyendranātha in Maharashtra are carved on temples such as the Māṇakeśvara temple at Jhodge, the Kaṅkāleśvara temple at Beed, the Mahādeva temple at Mankeshvar, and the Nāganātha temple at Aundha (images are shown below). As these temples are all assigned to the 12th century, the images are some of the earliest representations of Matsyendranātha. Here are some of these earliest-known images of Matsyendranātha.
Matsyendranatha in Māṇakeśvara temple at Jhodge: Matsyendranātha is depicted on the devakoṣṭha, which shows his significance. The image is small, fragile, and defaced. He is depicted with karṇakuṇḍala. He places his right foot on the ground, and his left hand is on the knee. He is shown seated in a beautiful decorative toraṇa.
Matsyendranāth in Nāganātha temple at Aundha: This is a small image of Matsyendranātha sitting in Padmāsana with a fish carved below. As can be seen, the image has suffered a lot of wear and tear.
Matsyendranātha in Mahādeva temple at Mankeshvar: Matsyendranātha is shown seated on a fish with yogapaṭṭa tied around his left leg. His right hand is shown in bhūmisparśamudrā.
Matsyendranātha in Kaṅkāleśvara temple at Beed: Two images of Matsyendranātha have been carved on this temple. In the first image, he is shown in a seated posture with a fish carved below his seat, a symbol that confirms this image as that of Matsyendranātha. The image’s face has been mutilated, but the karṇakuṇḍala are visible and hanging over the shoulder. His right hand is placed near the chest holding an unknown object while another hand is placed on the knee of the left leg holding a śṛṅgī. He is shown with keyūra and hairdress. In the second image, he is also shown with a fish as a mound. In this image, He is seated in dhyāna mudrā (most of the images of all the temples including Matsyendranātha were defaced by the invaders in the later period)
Matsyendranātha in Someśvara temple at Pimpri Dumala: There is a frontal representation of Matsyendranātha seated in padmāsana on the western side of the outer wall of guḍhamaṇḍapa. His right hand is in vyākhyānamudrā and his left hand is above his soles to support the right hand. He has probably a kaupina tied by mekhalā perhaps made of woollen strings. He has a yajñopavita placed across his left shoulder and around the waist. He has his hair falling on either side. His ear ornaments are clearly depicted and his large pierced ear lobes almost reach his shoulder. There is a small depiction of a fish on the pedestal.
This is just a small sample of Matsyendranātha iconography. In the later centuries, Matsyendranātha’s archaeological presence is found all across the Indian sub-continent, turning more ornate as the Nātha sampradāya becomes one of the most dominant Śaiva yogī traditions in India.
Kalividambana: A Satirical Poem on the Kali Yuga
Nilakantha Dikshita, a prolific 17th century poet, wrote a delightful poem cataloguing the fallen characters of the Kali age.
7 mins read
April 1, 2021
Illustrations by Shreyansh Singh
Nīlakaṇṭha Dīkṣita, active at the Nāyaka Court in Madurai in the early 17th century, was one of the most prolific poet-scholar of the age. Born into the family of great scholars, he was a grandnephew and a disciple of the great Appaya Dīkṣita. Among Nīlakaṇṭha many literary oeuvres, is a delightful and amusing poem, Kaliviḍambana (A Mockery of the Kāli Age), that catalogues the fallen characters of the present age. A keen student of the contemporary society, Nīlakaṇṭha, at his wittiest best, pokes fun at people whose conduct he thinks is corrupt and questionable.
Here is a selected excerpt from this short poem of 102 stanzas, translated by the great Sanskrit scholar V.Raghavan in 1970.
Ministers and Academics
One should not be afraid, need not understand, nor even listen to the opposite side’s words; one should reply immediately if one desires to win in the assemblies.
Absence of flurry, setting no store by modesty, scorn of the opponent, laughter, eulogy of the king (the presiding person), these five are the means of victory.
If the judge is not learned, win (your case) by shouting aloud; if he is learned, his line may be toed.
He who desires to know the truth should practice for long in modesty; but he who desires to win should throw away modesty and make a lot of noise.
Yogins and Sannyasins
If our intellect cannot apply itself at all to any branch of knowledge, let us become practitioners of mantras, yogins, or even sannyasins.
If the thing succeeds without delay, the practitioners of mantras attain fame; if it takes time, many accessory rites could be announced and thereby money earned.
They indeed are fortunate, the Mantrikas, whose telling the happy ones that they will have happiness, and the unhappy ones that they will have a hard lot, itself becomes their blessings to them.
Silence due to ignorance, quaint conduct—all these would redound, in the case of the mantra-practitioner, to his greatness
Astrologers
Astrologers should make enquiries with messengers in the court and then predict results to the kings, for the movement1 of planets is necessary for them
In questions regarding progeny, the astrologer should tell the father that it will be a son and the mother, a daughter; thereby he succeeds.
On queries about life, astrologers should say ‘long life’; if those who had consulted live on, they will honour the astrologer; if they die, whom could they ask?
Those who read the destiny (of people) should say that everything has two sides, everything is bound by good and bad periods, and everything is a mixed bag.
By predicting wealth for the poor, and more wealth for the rich, the astrologers, by all means, become popular with the world.
Rich People
Even the little affluence that comes uncovers one’s pride, sets thieves on one, and makes agnates busy.
The same rich people who mock at the learned, become themselves objects of mockery when Dame Fortune turns away even a little from them.
Believing flattery as true, considering oneself as a god, taking men to be worms—these are the fruits of new-found wealth.
Even as they are listening, the rich men will ask; even if they see, they do not know; and if they are made fun of, they consider all that as praise!
The possession by Spirits is momentary; the intoxication of liquor is for a yama (three hours); but the pride of wealth of the fools continues till death.
Wealth does its antics for a month or a fortnight and goes away; but the changes it had given rise to, persist (in a person) for ever, even as the smell of garlic.
The intoxication of Kodrava* is throat-deep; that of pan goes up to the heart; but that of wealth pervades the whole body and infects the mouths of the sons and wives of the rich.
Let there be intoxication where wealth had once been or is now present; but like leprosy and epilepsy it descends in the family!
Five or six pieces of coins in one’s hand embolden one to teach texts, look down upon (other) scholars and make one forget one’s class.
Lazy people
Loin-cloth, smearing oneself with ash, sacred grass, rosary, silence, sitting all alone,—these six provide livelihood for stupid fellows.
Those who desire to get money should speak of their having stayed at sacred places, mention a well-known dead scholar as their teacher and the endowments which kings had made for their families to carry on teaching.
If somebody questions about deficiency in Mantras in what you do, say that that is your tradition (Sampradaya); if he asks about the deficiency in the proper form of the sacrament, say that such is the practical Way of doing it (Prayoga); if he asks about your lack of the prescribed conduct, say that that is the way of people of your part of the country; these are the ready-made answers.
Always keeping the rosary and its covering cloth in hand, closing eyes every now and then, uttering “everything is Brahman”—these produce confidence immediately.
Staying on at the river-side till noon, worshipping an image in public, always putting on the dress of purity, —this is the secret of pretension.
Religious acts should be prolonged only so long as there are onlookers; the moment there is none to witness, everything is to be closed.
Tears of joy and horripilation, —if these two are at one’s beck and call, what other religious acts does one require? Kings will become one’s servant.
And Nīlakaṇṭha’s parting shots are
Where one’s wife’s words are the scriptures,
where the only Dharma is to gather wealth,
where just what strike’s one is the authority,
to that glorious Kali age be our obeisance!
(Note: For a more modern translation, one can refer to Somadeva Vasudeva recent translation of Kaliviḍambana published by the Clay Sanskrit Library)
The Meaning and Symbolism behind the Iconography of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva
A devotee who knows the symbolism and philosophy behind the iconography would be better equipped to meditate on his chosen form.
9 mins read
March 31, 2021
Illustrations by Shreyansh Singh
Ever wondered why Lord Vishnu carries the discus or why Brahma has four faces, or why Shiva has a snake, Vāsuki, on his neck? Every such iconographic element in Hinduism has a precise symbolic meaning underlying it. This essay will unpack the meaning of the iconographic symbols as detailed in the foundational text of Hindu art and aesthetics, Vishnudharmottara Purana (5th century CE). The 3rd Khanda of Vishnudharmottara Purana is a treatise on poetics, singing, dancing, instrumental music, architecture, and detailed instructions for sculptures for making images of Gods.
Since the Upanishads conceive divinity as formless, eternal, and immaterial, the worship of divinity in a concrete form required theological justification. In the Vishnudharmottara Purana, the sage Mārkandeya says that the form of the whole universe is the vikṛiti or the modification of the Supreme himself. Worship and meditation are possible when the Supreme is endowed with form. Corporeal beings cannot easily apprehend the invisible state of the Supreme, therefore images are required to conceive, concretize and comprehend the Supreme. Similarly, another text probably from from the same period, the Vāstusūtra Upanishad, says that in the beginning, brahman was only a potentiality, without qualities (nirguṇa). This potentiality became manifest in the process of creation, and brahman appeared with qualities (saguṇa). Therefore, form is the precipitation of the creative impulse of the Supreme.
The Iconography of Lord Brahma
Vishnudharmottara Purana says that a learned image-maker should make Brahma four-faced, on a lotus seat, clad in black antelope skin, wearing matted hair, four-armed, seated on a chariot of seven swans. In the right hand should be the auspicious rosary and in the left the waterpot. The eye of that tranquil-looking image, wearing all ornaments closed in meditation, should resemble the end of the lotus petal. Vishnudharmottara Purana then gives the reason behind this symbolism.
Since Brahma is a creator God, his colour should be reddish, representing rajas or his creative activity. Creation involves the manifestation of space-time. Space is represented by the four arms of Brahma denoting four-cardinal direction – north, south, east and west. The Vedas, created at the dawn of the universe, is represented by the four faces of Brahma denoting the four Vedas – Ṛgveda the Eastern face, Yajurveda the Southern, Sāmaveda the Western and Atharvaveda the Northern. The rosary in Brahma’s hand represents the creation of time and its circular movement.
The worlds, both movable and immovable, have sprung from the primaeval water. Therefore Brahma holds these primaeval waters in a kāmandalu (water vessel) resting in his hand. The formless Brahma envisioned and projected the creation into existence through his meditative activity or tapas. Brahma, therefore, is always represented with eyes closed, sitting in a tranquil straight posture deep in meditation, visualizing the cosmos into existence.
The Iconography of Lord Shiva
According to Vishnudharmottara Purana, Shiva with five faces should be seated on a bull. On the crest of his matted locks should be the crescent moon, and his sacred thread should be Vāsuki, the serpent king. He should be represented with ten arms. In his right hands should be a rosary, a trident, an arrow, a staff and a lotus, and in his left hands should be a citron, a bow, a mirror, a waterpot and a skin. The colour of the whole (image) should resemble the rays of the moon.
Vishnudharmottara’s description of Shiva assumes that the reader is familiar with the symbolism behind Shiva’s iconography; therefore it skips over specific details. Usually, the five faces of Shiva represent the five elements: earth, water, fire, wind and ether. The snake Vāsuki that forms the sacred thread around his neck represents anger that destroys the three worlds, while the tiger skin represents desire (tṛṣna) for the world of senses. The two eyes of Shiva are the sun and moon, while his third eye is fire through which he destroys the world. This symbolism of sun, moon and fire will become very important in the subtle physiology of Haṭha yoga.
Shiva’s matted lock represents supreme brahman; the crescent moon on his forehead represents his divine powers (aiśvarya); the bull represents the four feet of dharma (in Hinduism, dharma is represented with four feet). The rosary and waterpot are emblematic of his ascetic nature. The citron (lemon) symbolizes the atoms that constitute the entirety of the universe (the idea that the universe is created out of atoms is very old in Hinduism). As is well known, the trident of Shiva represents the three qualities of prakṛiti: sattva, rajas, and tamas, together constituting the dynamic impulse of prakṛiti. In the Shaiva Tantra, the prakṛiti would be represented as the power of Shiva.
The Iconography of Lord Vishnu
Explaining the iconography of Vishnu, Vishnudharmottara Purana says that Vishnu should be depicted seated on Garuda, with his bosom shining with the kaustubha jewel, wearing all ornaments, resembling in colour the water-laden cloud and clothed in a blue and beautiful garment. Vishnu wears vanamāla (long garland of flowers), and in his right hands is an arrow, a rosary, a club and in his left hand is a skin, a garment, and a bow. This iconography, it seems, is peculiar to Vishnudharmottara. Usually, Vishnu has four hands carrying a mace, wheel, lotus and a conch.
Since this universe is a transformation of the Supreme, the colour of the transformation is black (kṛṣna). The creator and sustainer assume the colour black. The kaustubha jewel on his chest represents pure knowledge, and the thick garland of flowers (vanamāla) adorning his body represent the bondage of the world. Vishnu’s garments represent avidyā which supports the saṃsara. Using Sāṃkhya metaphysics, the mace and the wheel (chakra) at the hand of Vishnu represents the puruṣa and prakṛiti, the two uncreated primal cause of the universe. Further, Vishnudharmottara says that the mind as the evolute of puruṣa and prakṛiti permeates the entire creation, represented by Garuda, who can fly anywhere as quickly as the mind. The conch in the hand of Vishnu represents the sky and the waters, while the symbolism of lotus has multiple meaning in Hinduism, which we will cover in another essay.
Conclusion
Vishnudharmottara then gives the iconography and its symbolism for other divinities: Agni, Varuṇa, Kuber, Narasiṃha, Hayagrīva, Sarasvati, Saṇkarṣṇa, Pradyumna, Vāsudeva, Krishna, Aniruddha, Tumburu, and many others. A worshipper who knows the symbolism and philosophy behind the iconography would be better equipped to meditate on his chosen form.
Vishnudharmottra Purana is a seminal text of Hindu art. It was the first time an independent compendium was written for music, painting, sculpture, architecture and dance. For the next 1200 years, Hindu tradition would produce very sophisticated texts and manuals covering all the known art forms. The increasing complexity of the textual tradition is reflected in the architecture and sculpture of the monumental temples built from the 8th century CE onwards, the sophistication of Hindu music and dance forms, and the aesthetic tradition of rasa.
(Note: For this essay, we have used Stella Kramrisch’s translation of Vishnudharmottara Purana. The critical edition and translation of Priyabala Shah can also be used.)
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